Winston Churchill: The Sinews of Peace

温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲（英汉对照完整版）：和平的力量

delivered 5 March 1946 Westminster College, Fulton Missouri

1946年 3月5日发表于密苏里州富尔顿市威斯敏斯特学院

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio version .]

译、校：张少军

President McClure, ladies and gentlemen, and last and last but certainly not least，President of the United States of America:

麦克卢尔院长、女士们先生们，最后，但当然不是最不重要的，美利坚合众国总统：

I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I -- I feel as if I've heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric -- and one or two other things. So, in fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.

我真的很高兴今天下午来到威斯敏斯特学院。有人恭维我，说你们应该给我一个声誉如此稳固的机构的学位。“威斯敏斯特”这个名字对我来说似乎有些耳熟。我——我觉得好像以前听说过它。事实上，现在我想起来了，我在政治、辩证法、修辞学——还有其他一两个方面的教育有很大一部分都得自威斯敏斯特。所以，事实上，我们都接受过相同或类似的教育，或者至少是类似的学术机构的教育。

It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities -- unsought but not recoiled from -- the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here today and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and -- and perhaps some other countries too. The -- The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. Now, I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.

这也是一种荣誉，女士们、先生们，一位平民访客被美国总统介绍给一群学术听众，可能几乎是一种独一无二的荣誉。尽管他肩负沉重的负担、义务和责任——那些他既未追求也决不推卸的负担、义务和责任——他旅行一千多英里，就为了使我们今天在这儿的会议高贵而显赫。他给予我一个机会，对这个与我们同宗同源的国家，对那些横渡大洋定居于此的我的同胞们——也许还有其他一些国家——演讲。总统告诉过你们，他希望我有充分的自由，在这个令人焦虑和令人困惑的时刻给出我真实而诚挚的建议；我肯定，这也是你们的愿望。现在，我当然会利用这一自由；并且，因为年轻时所珍惜的任何个人抱负都已经得到超出我最狂妄梦想的满足，我感到有更多的权利这样做。然而，让我清楚地表明，我没有任何官方的使命或任何形式的地位，我只代表我自己发言。这里除了你看到的什么都没有。

I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.

因此，我可以让我的头脑以毕生的经验来讨论那些在战争完全胜利后困扰我们的问题，并尝试发挥我的长处，确保——为了人类未来的荣耀和安全——确保那些以如此巨大的牺牲和痛苦所获得的东西将得以保存。

Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If, as you look around you -- If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. And we must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.

女士们，先生们，美国此刻正站在世界强国之巅。对于美国民主政体来说，这是一个庄严的时刻。因为至高的权利也伴随着一种令人敬畏的对于未来的责任。如果你环顾四周——如果你环顾四周，你不仅必然感受到自己应尽的责任，还必然感到唯恐自己落在一般成就的水平之下的焦虑。此时此刻，我们两国的机遇清晰可见，光芒闪耀；拒绝它，忽略它或者浪费它都将给我们带来后世一切长久的耻辱。我们有必要像在战争中那样，用不屈不挠的意志、始终不渝的目标，以及至大至简的决定，来支配和指导英语民族在和平时代的行为。我们必须，而且我相信我们能够，证明自己符合这一严格的要求。

President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the overall strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.

麦克卢尔院长，当美国军人面临一些危险的情况时，他们通常会在命令的前面写上“总体战略概念”几个字。这样做是明智的，因为它导致了思想的清晰。那么，我们今天应该铭记的总体战略概念是什么呢？它至少应包括所有家园和家庭，所有的土地上的所有男人和女人的安全和福利、自由和发展。在这里我特别提到无数的农舍或公寓楼，在那里，工薪族在生活的种种变故和困难中努力保护他的妻子和孩子免于贫困，并在敬畏上帝的情况下——或基于道德观念，这些观念往往起着重要的作用——抚养家庭。

To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.

为了保护这些不计其数的家园，他们必须免遭战争和暴政这两个冷酷的劫掠者的侵扰。我们都知道，当战争的诅咒降临到养家糊口者和他为之工作的人身上时，普通家庭就跌入了困境，一如欧洲的可怕毁灭和所有已消失的荣耀，以及亚洲大部分地区惨不忍睹的境况。当邪恶的人们的阴谋或强大国家的侵略性欲望大面积破坏了文明社会的基本秩序时，卑微的人们面临着他们无法应对的困难。因为对他们而言，一切都被扭曲，一切都被打碎，一切都被捣成泥潭。

When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.

在这个宁静的下午，当我站在这里的时候，我不寒而栗地想象正发生在数百万人身上的事情，以及饥荒在大地肆虐的这段时间里将要发生的事情。没有人能计算出所谓“无法估量的人类痛苦的总和”。我们至高无上的任务和职责是保护平民家庭免受另一场战争的恐怖和苦难。我们全都同意这一点。

Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO -- "U-N-O"¹ -- the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock.² Anyone can see with his -- with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.

我们的美国军事同僚在宣布了他们的“总体战略概念”和计算了可用的资源之后，总是转入下一步，即研究具体的方法。这里再次达成了广泛的协议。一个其主要目的是防止战争的世界组织已经建立起来——联合国组织——国际联盟的继承者，美国的决定性加入，所有这一切都意味着，这个国际组织已经开始运转。我们必须确保它的工作是卓有成效的；它是一个现实，而不是一个骗局；它是一种行动的力量，而不仅仅是一堆言辞的泡沫；它是一座真正的和平殿堂，许多国家的盾牌总有一天可以被悬挂起来，而不仅仅是巴别塔里的一个争吵不休的斗鸡场。在我们放弃用以自保的国家军备的可靠保障之前，我们必须确定我们的神庙不是建立在流沙或沼泽之上，而是建立在坚硬的岩石之上。任何人都可以用他的——用他睁开的双眼看到，我们的道路将是艰难而又漫长的；但如果我们像在两次世界大战中一样不屈不挠——尽管不是，呜呼，我们只呆在两次大战的幕间休息室---我毫不怀疑我们终将实现我们的共同目标。

I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action.

然而，关于如何行动，我将提出一个明确而切实可行的建议。

Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.

法院和法官可以设立，但没有执行吏和警察就无法行使职责。联合国组织必须立即着手配备一支国际武装部队。在目前这种情况下，只能一步一步地走，但我们必须现在就开始。我建议，应邀请每个大国和其他国家派遣一定数量的空军中队为世界组织服务。这些中队将在他们自己的国家接受训练和准备，但会到处调动，从一个国家轮换到另一个国家。他们会穿自己国家的制服，但佩戴不同的徽章。他们不会被要求采取行动反对自己的国家；但在其他方面，他们将由世界组织指挥。这可能是以适度的规模开始的，以后它的规模将随着信心的增长而扩大。我曾希望一战结束后能做到这一点，现在我衷心地相信这可以立即付诸实施。

It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country -- No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered. And even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organization.

尽管如此，女士们、先生们，当联合国仍处于婴儿期的时候，就把目前由美国、英国和加拿大分享的原子弹的秘密知识或经验托付给这个世界组织，是错误的和极不明智的。把它交出去，任其在这个依然动荡不安、四分五裂的世界里漂流，是一种疯狂的犯罪行为。没有任何人，无论他在哪个国家，都不会在床上睡不安稳，因为这些知识、方法和应用这些知识的原材料，目前大部分都保留在美国人手中。我不相信，如果形势逆转，某些共产主义或新法西斯国家一时垄断了它们，成为这些事物的可怕的代理人，我们所有人还能够睡得那么酣畅。光是对他们的恐惧——通过它们给人类的想象力带来的骇人听闻的影响——就很容易被用来在自由民主世界强制实施极权主义制度。上帝不欲如此，他要我们至少有一个喘息的机会；以便在遭遇这种危险之前，让我们安顿好我们自己。尽管如此，如果我们足够努力，我们将一直保持如此令人敬畏的优势，对其他国家使用核武器或威胁使用核武器施加有效的威慑。最终，当一个拥有一切必要的切合实际的防范措施而卓有成效的世界组织真正体现和表达了人类基本的兄弟情谊时，这些能力自然就会归属于该世界组织。

Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and ordinary people -- namely, tyranny.

现在我来谈谈这两个劫匪中的第二个，威胁平民家庭和普通百姓的第二个危险，那就是暴政。

We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. With these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

我们不能无视这样一个事实：美国和大英帝国的公民个人普遍享有的自由在相当多的国家——其中一些国家还非常强大——都是无效的。这些由形形色色一手遮天的警察政府强加于普通百姓的国家控制，竟然达到这样一种程度——它压倒一切而且违背民主政治的每一项原则。国家权力的行使不受限制——无论是独裁者，还是通过特权政党和政治警察运作的强悍的寡头政府。在这个困难如此之多的时候，强力干预那些我们尚未在战争中征服的国家的内政，不是我们的职责；但是，我们绝不能停止以无畏的声音宣布伟大的自由原则和人类权利——这是英语世界的共同遗产，这些由《大宪章》《人权法案》《人身保护法》《陪审团审判》《英国普通法》所确立的原则，在美国《独立宣言》中找到了它们最著名的表达方式。

All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

所有这一切意味着，任何国家的人民都有权通过宪法诉讼，通过不受限制的自由选举，以无记名投票方式，选择他们生活于其统治之下的政府或改变政府的性质与形式；言论和思想自由应占主导地位；法院独立于行政机关，不持任何党派偏见，执行得到大多数人广泛同意的，或因时间和习俗而成为神圣的法律——这就是高于一切的，应该置放于每个家庭案头的自由的契约。这就是英国和美国人民向全人类传递的信息。让我们宣扬我们所实践的，让我们实践我们所宣扬的。

Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people, war and tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

虽然我现在已经指出了威胁千家万户的——战争和暴政的两个重大危险，我却尚未提及贫穷和匮乏，这在多数情况下是普遍的焦虑。 但是，如果战争和暴政的危险被消除，毫无疑问，科学和合作可以在未来几年里——必然在未来几十年里，给这个在战争这所“进修学校”里得到新教训的世界，带来远远超出人类经验中发生的任何事情的极大的物质繁荣。

Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned 50 years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace."

现在，在这个悲伤和令人喘不过气来的时刻，我们陷入了饥饿和痛苦之中，这是我们巨大搏斗的余波；但这将会过去，而且可能很快就会过去。除了人类的愚蠢和非人类的罪行，没有任何理由去剥夺所有国家对一个富足时代的开创和享受。我经常引用50年前从我的一位朋友，伟大的爱尔兰裔美国演说家布尔克·科克兰先生那里学到的话： “对所有的人来说都足够了。地球是个慷慨的母亲，她将为她所有的孩子提供充足丰富的食物，只要他们愿意在正义与和平中耕种她的土地。”

And so -- So far I -- I -- I feel that we are in -- in full agreement.

到——到目前为止，我——我——我觉得我们意见完全一致。

Now, while still pursuing the method -- the method of realizing our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instruction, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. And this -- this would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

现在，当进一步探讨方法——实现我们总体战略概念的方法时，我就接近我旅行至此所说的话的关键。如果没有我所说的英语民族的兄弟般的联盟，就既不能确保防止战争，也不会有世界组织的不断崛起。这意味着英国联邦、大英帝国与美利坚合众国之间的特殊关系。女士们、先生们，现在不是概括总结的时候，而我却敢大胆把它挑明：兄弟般的联盟不仅要求我们两个庞大而相似的社会制度之间的日益增长的友谊和相互理解，而且需要我们的军事顾问之间保持密切的关系，使得我们能够共同研究潜在的危险，使用类似的武器和操作说明书，直到军事技术学院军官和学员的交流。这种密切关系使我们能够让我们目前的军事设施持续地服务于我们的共同安全。通过共同使用我们两国所拥有的全球所有的海军和空军基地，这——这也许会使美国海军和空军的机动性增加一倍，这也将极大地扩展大英帝国的军事力量；而且它很可能导致——如果世界平静下来——它很可能导致重要的财政盈余。我们已经共同使用了许多的岛屿；在不久的将来，更多的岛屿很可能被托付给我们共同照料。

The United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually -- Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

美国已经与非常忠于英联邦和英王国的加拿大自治领签订了永久的防务协议。这一协议比许多在正式联盟条件下达成的协议更为有效。这一原则应该扩展到所有具有完全互惠性的英联邦。因此，无论发生什么事情，也只有这样，我们才能安全地为我们所珍视，且不给任何人带来不幸的，崇高而纯朴的事业而共同努力。最终——最终可能会导致，我感觉它最终将导致我们接受共同的公民身份的原则（即美国、英国和其他英联邦国家组成一个共同体，所有人拥有同样的公民身份——译者注）——但是，我们可能满足于让它听由命运的安排，尽管我们中的许多人已经清楚地看到它（即美国、英国和其他英联邦国家组成一个共同体的前景——译者注）向我们伸出的双手。

There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a -- a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our overriding loyalties to the world organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I've just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We have also -- We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. We have an alliance -- The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the -- in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions."³ Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.

然而，有一个重要的问题，我们必须问我们自己。美国和英国联邦之间的特殊关系是否与我们对这个世界组织最重要的忠诚不一致？我回答说，正好相反，这可能是该组织实现其全面地位和实力的唯一途径。美国与加拿大的特殊关系，我刚才已经说过了。还有美国和南美诸国之间的关系。我们也有——我们英国也和苏俄有20年的合作和互助条约。我同意英国外交大臣贝文先生的看法，就我们而言，这很可能是一项50年的条约——除了与俄罗斯相互援助和合作，我们没有别的目标。我们有一个盟约——英国与葡萄牙有一个从1834年延续至今的盟约，它在关键的时刻——在最近的战争中产生了丰硕的成果。这些特殊关系中没有一项与任何一个全球协定或世界组织的普遍利益相冲突；正且相反，它们有助于实现这些利益。正如《圣经》所说：“我父亲的家园有许多大厦。” 联合国成员国之间这种不针对任何其他国家的特殊关系，没有任何与《联合国宪章》相矛盾的企图，它们非但无害，反而有益，而且我认为它们是不可缺少的。

I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of -- of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings" -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the express strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.

女士们，先生们，我刚才谈到和平的殿堂。所有国家的工人都必须建造这样的殿堂。如果有两个工人是彼此知根知底的老朋友，如果他们的家人相处融洽，如果他们“对彼此的目的有信心，对彼此的未来有期待，对彼此的缺点有宽容”——我引用的是前几天在这里读到的名言警句——为什么他们不能作为朋友和伙伴一起完成共同的任务？为什么他们不能共享他们的工具，从而增强彼此的工作能力？事实上，他们必须这样做，否则殿堂不可能建成；或者建成后又可能倒塌，我们全都被再次证明是不可教育的，我们都必须重回比我们刚刚逃离的战争更为严酷的战争学校，尝试第三次学习。黑暗时代可能会卷土重来，石器时代可能会在科学的光辉之翼上回归，而现在可能给人类带来不可估量的物质祝福的东西，甚至可能导致它的彻底毁灭。我说，当心，时间可能很短。不要让我们走上任由事态发展，以致为时已晚的道路。如果有我已经描述过的兄弟般的联盟，通过展示我们两国得益于这个联盟的力量和安全，让我们确保全世界都知道这个伟大的事实，并确保它在巩固和稳定和平的基础方面发挥作用。走明智的道路，让我们防患于未然。

*A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory.* Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There -- There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent, and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own peoples on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would not wish me to not misstate the...facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.

*被盟军最近的胜利所照亮的舞台落下了一道阴影。*没有人知道苏维埃俄国及其共产主义国际组织打算在不久的将来做些什么，也不知道苏联及其共产主义国际组织对其扩张和共产主义运动的限制是什么——如果它们有任何限制的话。我对英勇的俄罗斯人民和我的战时伙伴斯大林元帅深表钦佩和尊敬。在英国，对所有俄罗斯人有一种深深的同情与善意，以及克服众多分歧和拒绝，与之建立持久友谊的决心——即使站在这里的此刻，我也不怀疑这一点。我们理解，俄罗斯需要通过排除德国侵略的一切可能性，以确保其西部边境的安全。我们欢迎俄罗斯在世界主要国家中获得她的应有地位。我们在海上欢迎她的旗帜。最重要的是，我们欢迎或者说应该欢迎在大西洋两岸的俄罗斯人民和我们自己人民之间持续、频繁和日益增长的接触。然而，这是我的责任，因为我相信你们不希望我歪曲我所看到的事实。是的。我有责任向你们披露有关欧洲目前情形的某些事实。

From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from -- from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American, and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.

从波罗的海的斯特廷到亚得里亚海的里雅斯特，横贯整个欧洲大陆的铁幕都落下了。这条线后面是欧洲中部和东部古老国家的首都。华沙、柏林、布拉格、维也纳、布达佩斯、贝尔格莱德、布加勒斯特和索非亚，所有这些著名的城市和他们周围的人口都在我所说的苏联范围内，全都受到某种形式的管制，不光受到苏联的影响，而且在某些情况下，还受到从莫斯科来的程度甚深并且越来越深的控制。只有雅典——拥有不朽荣耀的希腊——可以在英国、美国和法国监督的选举中自由决定自己的未来。俄罗斯主导的波兰政府被鼓励对德国进行大规模的非法入侵。大量驱逐数百万德国人——其规模之大令人悲伤令人难以想象——现在竟公然发生。欧洲所有这些东部国家，共产党规模都很小，却被提升到支配地位，拥有的权力远远超出了它们的数量，它们还千方百计获得极权主义的控制。警察政府几乎在任何情形下都占据主导地位。到目前为止，除了捷克斯洛伐克以外，那里没有真正的民主。

Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western democracies had conquered.

土耳其和波斯都因莫斯科政府对他们提出的要求和施加的压力深感震惊和不安。通过对德国左翼领导人表示特别的好感，俄国人试图在柏林他们占领的德国地区建立一个准共产主义政党。在去年6月战斗结束时，美国与英国军队根据先前达成的协议，在约400英里的战线上向西撤退，在某些点撤退距离达150英里，以便让我们的俄罗斯盟友占领西方民主国家攻克的这块广阔的领土。

If now the Soviet government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.

如果苏联政府现在单独采取行动，在他们的占领区建立一个亲共产主义的德国，这将在美英占领区造成新的严重困难，并使战败的德国人有能力在苏联和西方民主国家之间的竞争中自抬身价。无论从这些事实中得出什么结论，以及这事实是什么，这绝对不是我们为之战斗想要建立的自由的欧洲，也不是一个包含永久和平要素的欧洲。

The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible -- the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend. Twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That, I feel, is -- opens a course of policy of very great importance.

女士们，先生们，世界的安全，要求在欧洲建立一个新的统一，任何国家都不应永远被抛弃。正是由于欧洲强大的亲族之间的争吵，我们所目睹的或发生在前几个时代的世界大战得以爆发。在我们自己的有生之年里，我们曾两次看到美国违背他们的意愿和传统，违逆反对出兵的论点和并非不可理解的势力。我们曾两次看到他们被不可抗拒的力量吸引，及时投入这些战争，以确保正义事业的胜利——虽然这往往只在可怕的屠杀和破坏发生之后。两次了，美国不得不派遣数以百万计的年轻人穿越大西洋去寻找战争；而眼下你可以在任何一个国家发现战争——无论何处，战争就存在于黄昏和黎明之间。当然，我们应该在联合国的架构内，根据我们宪章的精神，为实现欧洲大和解的明确目标而努力奋斗。我认为，这是开启了一条非常重要的政策道路。

In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless, the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I worked for a strong France, and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.

在横贯整个欧洲的铁幕前，还有其他原因引起焦虑。在意大利，共产党因不得不支持受过共产主义训练的铁托元帅对亚得里亚海顶端的前意大利领土的要求而受到严重妨碍。尽管如此，意大利的未来仍处于平衡之中。此外，没有强大的法国，我们无法想象一个复兴的欧洲。我全部的服务于公众的生活都在为一个强大的法国而奋斗，即便是在最黑暗的时刻，我也从未对她的命运失去信心，我现在更加不会。然而，在远离俄罗斯边境和遍及世界各地的许多国家，共产主义第五纵队已经建立，它们行动团结一致，完全服从共产主义中心的指示；只有英联邦内部和共产主义尚处于幼年期的美国除外。共产主义政党或第五纵队正在构成对基督教文明日益增长的挑战与危险。对于任何在战争中，在自由和民主的事业中获得许多如此美妙的战友情谊，并且在胜利后铭记不忘的人来说，这些都是严峻的事实；而我们如果不趁着还来得及的时候正视这些事实，我们就是天字第一号大傻瓜。

The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.

在远东地区，特别是在满洲里（中国东北的旧称），前景也令人忧虑。我参加的雅尔塔会议达成的协议对苏联来说是非常有利的。达成协议时，没有人能够断言与德国的战争不会延续到1945年的整个夏天和秋季，而根据当时最乐观的判断，预计与日本的战争将在德国的战争结束后，再持续18个月。在这个国家，你们对远东和中国如此忠诚的朋友都非常了解，所以不需要我来详细阐述那里的形势。

I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.

然而，我感到有义务描绘对西方和东方都具同样意味的降落在世界上的阴影。 凡尔赛条约（于1919年6月28日在巴黎凡尔赛宫签署，标志着第一次世界大战正式结束）签署时，我是英国的一位大臣，是凡尔赛英国代表团团长劳埃德·乔治先生的密友。我个人并不同意当时做的许多事情，但当时的情况在我心中留下了深刻的印象。我觉得拿当时的情形与现在普遍存在的情况相比是令人痛苦的。在那些日子里，战争已经结束，人们抱有很高的希望和无限的信心，觉得国际联盟会变得无所不能；而在目前的憔悴困顿的世界里，我没有看到或感受到同样的信心，甚至是同样的希望。

On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.

另一方面，女士们，先生们，我拒绝新的战争不可避免的想法——以及更夸张的战争迫在眉睫的想法。因为我确信我们的命运仍然掌握在我们自己手中，我们拥有拯救未来的力量。既然我有合适的场合与机会这样做，我就感到有义务把它说出来。我不相信苏联渴望战争，他们想要的只是战争的成果，以及他们的权力和理论的无限扩张。但是，我们今天在这里必须考虑的是，如何在时间允许的情况下，永久防止战争，并尽快在所有国家建立自由和民主的条件。我们的困难和危险不会因为闭眼不看现实而去除，不会因为仅仅消极等待而移走，更不会因为绥靖政策而化解。需要的是一个解决方案，拖得越久，我们的困难就越大，我们的处境就会变得越危险。

From what -- what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength. And there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that -- For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter there influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If, however, they become divided or falter in their duty, and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away, then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.

就战时从我们的俄罗斯朋友和盟军身上所看到的而言，我确信他们最欣赏的莫过于力量，他们最鄙视的莫过于软弱，尤其是军事上的软弱。因此，旧的力量平衡理论是不健全的。如果我们促成它，习惯于目前微弱的优势，为实力的较量提供诱惑，我们将无法承担其代价。倘若西方民主国家在严格遵守“联合国宪章”的原则上团结一致，那么推动这些原则的影响力将是巨大的，没有人可能亵渎违背这些原则；然而倘若他们变得四分五裂，或怯于承担他们自己的职责，任由这些至关重要的岁月白白流逝，那么灾难的确会压垮我们所有人。

Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but -- but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her, and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous, and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946 -- this year, 1946 -- by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the World Instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this address to which I have given the title, "The Sinews of Peace."

上一次当我看到这一切来临时，我向我的同胞和世界大声疾呼，但是——但是没有谁哪怕瞟我一眼。直到1933年甚至1935年，德国本来还可以从攫住她的可怕命运中被拯救出来，我们都可以幸免于希特勒对人类造成的苦难。历史上没有哪一场战争比刚刚这场战争，这场使世界如此广阔的地区遭到极大破坏的战争，更容易由及时的行动而避免。我相信，不费一枪一弹就能阻止这场战争，今天的德国将会强大、繁荣和备受尊崇；但没有人愿意听我的，一个接一个地，我们都被卷入了可怕的漩涡。我们肯定，女士们先生们，我告诉你们，我们肯定不能让这种情况再次发生。只有到了1946年的现在，才能实现这一点。今年，1946年，在联合国组织的普遍权威下，通过与俄罗斯就所有问题达成共识，通过多年和平地保持这种共识，凭借得到英语世界的全部力量与所有联系支持的世界组织，我们就能实现这一点。这就是我在这份演讲中恭敬地向你们提出的解决方案。我把这份演讲命名为“和平的力量”。

Let -- Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and -- and Commonwealth. Because you see -- Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If -- If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science, and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for us, but for all; not only for our times, but for a century to come.

不要让任何人低估大英帝国和英联邦的持久力量。因为你看到，我们岛上有4600万人为他们的粮食供应所困扰，即使在战争时期，他们也只种植了所需粮食的一半；或者因为我们在六年艰苦卓绝的战争努力之后，重启我们的工业和出口贸易将困难重重；不要以为我们经历了痛苦的可歌可泣的艰难岁月，我们就不能战胜这些黑暗的贫困岁月；不要以为半个世纪后，你不会看到在世界各地的七千万到八千万英国人为了捍卫我们的传统、我们的生活方式以及你们和我们所拥护的全球事业而团结一致。如果把讲英语的英联邦的人口与美国的人口相加，合而为一，这种合作意味着在空中在海上在全世界，包括科学、工业和道德力量的全方位合作；再不会有颤颤巍巍的、岌岌可危的强权平衡来提供其野心或冒险的诱惑；正好相反，只会有压倒性的安全保障。如果我们忠实地遵守《联合国宪章》， 以冷静和清醒的力量向前走，不寻求任何人的土地或财富，不寻求对人们思想的专横控制；如果英国所有道义的物质的力量和信念与你们所有的相加，在兄弟般的联盟中结合在一起，未来的道路将是明确的，不仅对我们，而且对所有人；不仅为我们的时代，而且为即将来临的世纪。

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¹ United Nations Organization

² Figure of allusion: "Therefore whosoever heareth these sayings of mine, and doeth them, I will liken him unto a wise man, which built his house upon a rock: And the rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon that house; and it fell not: for it was founded upon a rock. And every one that heareth these sayings of mine, and doeth them not, shall be likened unto a foolish man, which built his house upon the sand: And the rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat upon that house; and it fell: and great was the fall of it." - Matthew 7:24-27

³ John 14:2

温斯顿·丘吉尔的铁幕演讲（英汉对照完整版）：和平的力量